For centuries, Malukans lived relatively peacefully, separated by choice or by custom in either Christian or Muslim villages. When disputes arose, the local rulers convened, and the belligerents attended a reconciliation ceremony where apologies were offered in front of village elders and religious leaders. The ensuing peace agreement was considered legally and religiously binding. The customs of pela and gandong were traditionally followed, especially in the Ambon area. Pela, a vow of brotherhood, existed either among Muslim or Christian villages, or between the two. Gandong applied to connections between villages descended from the same patriarch. This often included both Muslim and Christian villages. Such vows required the villages to help each other in times of need, and also to cooperate in building houses of worship. While the system was instrumental in preserving social harmony, it was not perfect. Occasional episodes of communal violence still occurred between villages.
The appointment by President Suharto of Akib Latuconsina, an Ambonese Moslem, as governor of Maluku in the 1970s is alleged to have been a turning point in Christian-Muslim relations. During his tenure many waves of government-sponsored Muslim migrants came from Java, tipping the population balance. Also, Suharto followed a policy of “divide-and-rule”, first giving patronage and privilege to Christians, and then favoring Muslims. In some cases, residents lost land to the migrants through “land reform projects,” a clear source of strife.
Regional tensions were also aggravated during the Suharto period, setting the stage for future conflict. In 1975, the exclusively Moslem Makians were resettled in the Kao District of northern Halmahera, due to fears of volcanic eruptions on their island. The Makians and Kao came into conflict because of a forced transfer of Kao land to Makians, cultural and religious differences and competition over scarce resources. The sultan of Ternate, although stripped of political power, still wielded considerable influence as a traditional leader. The sultan had traditionally protected his Christian population and as a result, the Christian population was very loyal to him. Because of his influence, the sultan was able to keep the conflict in check until 1999.
The brewing conflict was exacerbated in 1999 when North Maluku became a separate province. At this time, Tidore made an unsuccessful bid to become the capital of the new province. This aggravated a 500-year old rivalry between the sultanates of Tidore and Ternate over regional supremacy, a rivalry in which Ternate had traditionally emerged on top. Ternate opposed Tidore’s bid for political supremacy and became the capital, thus increasing regional tensions.

Sources of Conflict

Many reasons have been offered for the inter-communal violence that has broken out in Maluku. Among the sources of conflict are traditional regional rivalries, the separatist legacy of some of Maluku’s Christians, the undermining of traditional conflict management practices and leadership structures, government policies under the Suharto regime, and migration.
Traditional Rivalries: The 500-year old rivalry between the sultanates of Tidore and Ternate have contributed to spreading the violence. The two sultanates have traditionally vied for regional supremacy, particularly over the main island of Halmahera. Although they have both been incorporated into Maluku and stripped of formal political power, both sultans still retain considerable informal influence. The Tidore sultanate is more strictly Islamic than Ternate. Ternate is 80% Moslem; however, the sultan of Ternate has traditionally protected the Christian minority, concentrated in northern Halmahera, and the islands of Obi and Bacan. In 1999, the rivalry between the two sultanates resurged when Tidore attempted to become the capital of the new province of North Maluku, a power play that Ternate vigorously opposed.
In 1999, fighting erupted between the Makian migrants and the Kao on Halmahera, and over 100 Moslems were killed. This led to reprisals by the Makians, resulting in a jihad against the Kaos and Christians in general. In these disputes, the Ternate sultan sided with the Kao, while Tidore backed the Makians.
Separatist Legacy: There is also a legacy of separatism among some of Maluku’s Christians. When Indonesia became independent after World War II, some Ambonese elites (both Christian and Muslim) feared a loss in economic position. In 1950, supported by Ambonese Christian soldiers from the Dutch colonial army, they proclaimed the independent Republik Maluku Selatan (Republic of the South Moluccas or RMS). Indonesian forces soon put down this movement and there has been little or no talk of independence since among Maluku’s Christians. However, the legacy of RMS has helped to foster disunity and fan the flames of the sectarian violence.
Undermining of Traditional Practices: From the time of Indonesia’s independence until President Suharto’s resignation in 1998, institutions and practices for communal conflict prevention, known as pela gandong (villages alliances) gradually eroded. The central government during this period undermined the authority of traditional leaders and the population was encouraged to abandon their traditional beliefs. Under President Suharto’s rule, the Javanese village head system was imposed on the province, with positions determined by local elections or by political appointment. This further undermined the traditional system of governance. Modern influences and governmental impositions, including changes in local government structure and transmigration, eroded ethnic identity and traditional belief systems.
Government Policies under Suharto: President Suharto contributed to changing the political dynamic in Maluku in several ways. In Ambon, which had been politically dominated by the Christians since the colonial era, Suharto attempted to gain the political support of Moslems by appointing an Ambonese Moslem governor in the 1970s instead of the military generals that had been governor in the past. The Moslem governor then brought many Moslems into the local bureaucracy, thereby shifting the power balance in Ambon. Also during the Suharto administration, the Makians, a Moslem people, were resettled in the Kao District of North Maluku by the central government, an action that led to a great conflict between the two culturally different groups.
Migration: Migration from other areas of Indonesia during the last 50 years has disrupted the traditional dynamic between Moslems and Christians in the Moluccans. During the Suharto presidency, many Moslems, particularly Bugis and Butonese from South Sulawesi, migrated to Ambon City in south Maluku (now Maluku province). Christians had dominated the political scene in Ambon since the colonial era. However, with a large increase in the Moslem population, their predominance was threatened. President Suharto began to appoint Ambonese Moslems to the governorship and, as a result, Moslems gained a powerful position in the bureaucracy. Along with the shift in political power, money and opportunity have also shifted away from the Christians to the Moslems. These developments caused Christians in Ambon to feel that they were being overwhelmed and marginalized by the Moslems. Tension from migration was not limited to Maluku province. In 1975, fearing a volcanic eruption on the island of Makian, the government resettled the Makian population in the Kao District of northern Halmahera, an island in the traditional sultanate of Ternate. The Makians are exclusively Moslem and the Kao are 80% Christian and 20% Moslem, but identify themselves primary by their ethnic identity, not their religion. The transfer of land to the Makians from the Kao in combination with their cultural differences has led to a conflict between the two communities.